I remember the day well. It was hot even for July in a spare concrete building in Bermel Valley. Bermel is at 6400 feet of elevation, a desert valley surrounded by 9000 foot tall mountains. The summer heat was relentless. God how I hated it, imprisoned in a uniform designed to make one sweat as much as humanly possible.
We’d just gotten out of an hourlong Shura attended by all the tribal elders in the region. Outside, paratroopers stood guard in their body armor. I’d removed my helmet but not the body armor and the room had not been air conditioned. As the district governor, mayor, and elders talked I had struggled to stay awake, a wad of dip in my lower lip, occasionally swallowing water from a small bottle and spitting into another.
The paratroopers outside shifted from foot to foot, smoking cigarettes and bantering, trying to stay alert as the relentless sun beat down on us. The interpreter tugged at my sleeve as the room broke into small groups of individuals and tribes bantering with each other, and trying to talk with the Americans.
The interpreter pulled me toward a tribal elder I recognized from patrols. We wanted to work with his village, strategically located between our base and a special operations base to the south. Keeping the village free from Taliban — at least on the sidelines, if not actively supporting us — was a key priority. A conversation with him was useful.
This was my first direct, personal exposure to corruption. I heard him out. He wanted solar panels for his tribe, except, as it turned out, the panels were to be installed at his house. And he lived outside his village. He even explained that we could keep some of the solar panels we delivered to him, a proposal I treated like a joke. I agreed to relay this information to the commander and headed outside to rejoin the security detail.
Afterwards, the interpreter agreed it was a funny situation. We laughed about the obviously corrupt scheme. Then, while driving back to the base, the interpreter asked if there was any way to get solar panels for his own village, hundreds of miles away. He told me that something could be arranged between him and me personally, the unit didn’t need to find out. That, too, I treated as a joke. As it turned out, my time writing for and editing The Yale Record as an undergraduate came in very useful for counterinsurgency.
Paktika Province. That’s just how things worked, there. Everyone wanted a cut, everyone was willing to give you a piece of their cut.

Now I’m sure I’d encountered corruption before that in the U.S. Some infrastructure deal that got done the wrong way, or a construction project where the bidding process was rigged. I’m from Branford, Connecticut — right outside New Haven. There has been corruption here a long time, and never more conspicuously than during the 20th century. It is a well-known fact that the mob held great sway in cities up and down the NYC – Boston corridor after prohibition. Don’t believe me? Watch The Departed. Read up on where Joe Kennedy, Sr. made his money. It wasn’t just New York City, or New Jersey.
But corruption is much more than the mob. I didn’t realize that, growing up. I had to see corruption in Afghanistan, and then again in Ukraine, living and reporting there. Because here in the U.S., we don’t have corruption like they do in Afghanistan or Ukraine any more. Maybe we used to have something like it. But nothing approaching the levels of corruption you find overseas.
Except we do.
It’s easy to see the corruption in Ukraine and Afghanistan, albeit for different reasons. In Afghanistan, what we call corruption is an entire system based on reputation, tribe, and personality. It’s not a “system” at all, in a modern sense. That doesn’t mean it isn’t sophisticated. One needs to hold just as much information about how to navigate Afghanistan’s system in one’s head, probably (if one is illiterate, as many are in the rural areas) entirely in one’s memory, as one needs to know about the proper way to run a political campaign, or a business. When we described their system as corrupt because people with power solicited and took money, we weren’t entirely right — everyone knew they were soliciting and taking money. They would not be powerful in their communities if they didn’t solicit or take money in exchange for action. This is how a patronage system works, and it was their system.
Most Ukrainians know and understand that corruption is wrong. To them, it is a legacy of the Soviet system and of the Tsarist system before that, both of which ultimately operated as large-scale patronage networks. If you knew someone, you were “good” — if you didn’t, you needed to be very lucky. Ukrainians advocate for more transparency and less corruption in their own society precisely because they recognize corruption for what it is, and dislike it — unlike most Afghans, who are comfortable with a system we would recognize as openly and even enthusiastically corrupt.
Here in the U.S., it’s more difficult to see the sort of open corruption one does in Afghanistan, or among prominent Ukrainians. This is in part because it has been made illegal in many cases, driving the overt corruption underground, and in part because we prefer not to think of ourselves as corrupt, although as a society, we certainly have widespread corruption. We’ve defined a crime narrowly, and then slowly closed our eyes to examples of corruption that fall outside the scope of the law while retaining its characteristics.
Knocking doors across Connecticut, the most common complaint I hear, beyond affordability even, is corruption. When I started running for governor, my platform was simple: create a large voluntary state guard. Decentralize power from the federal government to the state level, then decentralize further to the city and town level. That’s all I talk about, and believe me when I say this, nobody expects a person to show up on their door preaching the 2nd Amendment in Connecticut. Nobody!
Most folks keep talking with me after I get going, and the conversation, because it is usually unexpected, which is to say interesting, leads wherever the person I’m talking with wants it to go. Most citizens I’ve spoken with understand that whatever the federal government is doing, the state has a limited ability to impact that one way or another. So they’ll talk about the high taxes in Connecticut. From there the conversation usually leads to corruption.
Democrats tend to see corruption as being characteristic of Republicans and small towns. Republicans and independents see corruption as being characteristic of Democrats and big cities. The commonality? You guessed it: everyone is convinced that there is widespread corruption. I don’t think they’re wrong.
On the contrary, I think we greatly underestimate the amount of corruption in our state, and in our country. And this is a bipartisan issue. Let’s start by agreeing that the typical bribes we associate with corruption are the most conspicuous form of it — when a person accepts money to make or influence a decision that is supposed to be based on merit, that is bad, it’s not something we permit in America or Europe.
Next, to understand the magnitude of the problem, let’s go over the other, less visible forms of corruption we know exist from sources such as The Panama Papers investigation by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. Shell corporations in other countries with lax reporting laws; LLCs that exist to own a portion of some other LLC, itself a holding company; even word-of-mouth agreements between the wealthy and powerful to preserve each other’s interests all serve to obfuscate when a politician receives a benefit in exchange for some consideration. There are dozens of ways to steal without doing it openly, provided one has the resources.
And if one has been in a position of power long enough, it’s harder not to take advantage of opportunity than to receive benefit. For someone who’s been in Congress or the State Legislature for 20 years, benefits accrue to you without your even knowing it. Every time someone sees your name on a piece of paper, you receive special consideration. Every time you arrive in a place where you can reasonably expect to be known, people are there ready to flatter and delight you. A moderately competent politician who’s served long enough at the state or federal (and in some prominent cases, such as mayor, local) level exists largely in a state of constant corruption.
Corruption, I’ve come to believe, is a word that describes how an individual behaves when in proximity to power. Given enough time, everyone becomes corrupted. It’s like the Ring of Power in the Lord of the Rings (this is merely a useful analogy; I realize that I’ve referenced this twice now in the past two essays and am getting tired of the analogy myself). Everyone eventually succumbs.
From this perspective, term limits become a remarkably prudent thing, something George Washington and others seem implicitly to have endorsed at the Republic’s beginning. On the face of it, term limits could be seen as limiting democratic choice. But if corruption is a characteristic of human life, term limits are one of the few ways to ensure that no politician is tempted to serve longer than he or she should — which many are — and many do.
Or think of the saying “absolute power corrupts absolutely.” By extension, “moderate power corrupts moderately” and “little power corrupts a little.” In a world where people must wield power from positions of authority, they must also become corrupted to a greater or lesser degree.
Here are some of the forms of corruption both parties tolerate:
Nepotism. If you recognize the last name of a person in politics because of something one or both of their parents did in politics, they don’t belong in politics and are damaging the system. Nepotism is not just when one person with power abuses that power to assist a family member or friend — it is also a word that describes generational corruption. Easy to find in the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, deeply anti-egalitarian, in the long run leads to outcomes such as the ones we’re seeing now in the White House. Buckle in for 2028 folks!
Influence Peddling. Widespread in ways that are difficult to track. The example given by Wikipedia is that of then-Democrat and governor of Illinois Rod Blagojevich attempting to sell Barack Obama’s Senate seat. That’s pretty obvious! And Blagojevich, who has since received a highly sought-after presidential pardon from Donald Trump, served years in prison to atone for the act. Technically it’s not illegal in the U.S. But how many politicians abuse or misuse their influence for personal or private gain? I think the longer one stays in office, the more difficult it becomes not to use one’s influence. Best case scenario, in an emergency, the misuse or abuse at least has some positive effect, such as, for example, calling in favors in order to help Ukraine when Russia invaded, a thing many American politicians did.
State Capture. The process by which well-funded initiatives — ideological or economic in nature — use access and influence to have politicians rewrite the law to benefit themselves. Don’t think that happens in Connecticut? What’s happened in the last 10 years to the utility companies, how they’ve ruined Connecticut as a place for solar power (the most accessible form of renewable available to consumers and homeowners) is a great example of “state capture.” A majority of Connecticut’s legislators and every governor has permitted this to unfold. In Connecticut, there is no question in my mind that the energy industry has massive influence over how the state operates, to Connecticut’s detriment. At a national level, one might argue that the military industrial complex and the health care industry (a.k.a. “big pharma) has captured the state.
There are other forms of corruption extant. The average citizen has limited bandwidth to think about any one of these, let alone all of them. The problem is ubiquitous — the Democratic and Republican parties both depend on forms of corruption such as cronyism and nepotism in ways that are impossible to ignore. Can you blame folks for feeling disenfranchised? Can you blame Connecticut citizens for saying, quietly and out of earshot of the major parties, that the whole system is riddled with corruption?
This is why if elected governor, I’ll form an anti-corruption task force. If we can’t do anything about it (and I’m not promising that we can), at least we can name the problem. At least we can publicize agreed-on definitions. Some people who currently benefit from corruption may even see themselves reflected in the definitions, and, still having a measure of pride, will take affirmative steps to act correctly and remove themselves from the public political sphere. Others — the sort of person you definitely do not want around power, will find ways to justify their continued self-service.













